You are waiting for the revolution! Very well! My own began along time ago! When you are ready — God, what an endless wait! — it won’t nauseate me to go along the road awhile with you! But when you stop, I will continue on my mad and triumphant march toward the great and sublime conquest of Nothing! Every society you build will have its fringes, and on the fringes of every society, heroic and restless vagabonds will wander, with their wild and virgin thoughts, only able to live by preparing ever new and terrible outbreaks of rebellion!
I shall be among them!
–RENZO NOVATORE, MY ICONOCLAST INDIVIDUALISM
Comrades, it’s been a long time I haven’t communicated nothing public, apart from a few things I wrote on the development of the juridical process against me for attacks to the public peace; this time, I’m not communicating to tell you something about this process or about juridical issues that don’t matter much to me right now and in reality I didn’t care much about to begin with.
This time I’m writing to re-declare myself – again – and position myself about what’s going on in México, in respect to the current repressive attack that the Mexican State is articulating and beginning to unleash, it’s clearly well learned, from its Italian and Chilean buddies; because in the end it is nothing else than a picturesque reproduction of the Marini style set-up or the « caso bombas », but made in Mexico; a set-up that can only be considered as an immediate response of the enemy in front of the pressure exerted by groups and anarchists individualists (N1) and libertarians – night and day, public or covert –, before the dangerousness of such ideas for the social good, and it must not be taken in a mediated sense that would make us victims in front of a system which we decided to fight against, by any means or through any organizing model. A setup with apparent leaders, a hierarchical organizational structure and an organized criminal structure with terrorist objectives in which even a judicial team was tasked to take us out of jail when that would happen; a structure that bears more similarities with any group of narco-traffickers, guerrilla or marxist organization of any ideology (Leninist, Maoist, Marquista, Stalinist, etc..) than the way we anarchists conceive organization; organization of any manner, calling itself public or closed, especially when its labeled as informal.
A set-up where the principal promoters of anarchist action are comrades from other countries that came to Mexico for X motive and following what the bastards from the Attorney General’s office say, that they are the funding source of the struggle; a set-up where they seek not only to harm a specific sector of the anarchist movement but various sectors of local anarchism; a police set-up where the mass media of the State/Capital are playing an important role in constructing. But well, what the State/Capital could do or think in this issue is not my business, first because I don’t think like power, and precisely because I’m not a person of power and authority. My mind cannot think in this authoritarian way and I prefer not wasting time in worrying about how and what the enemy is thinking about, or otherwise wasting time in correcting the image it conceives of us with the objective of lowering the severity of our charges or punishment. Everything said in this letter is addressed to the comrades in the struggle, mainly those who are libertarians and with anarchist affinities.
Well, as it is already known, I was arrested again on January 20th while leaving the magistrate’s court on James Sullivan avenue in Mexico City, where each Monday I had to sign the register following the requirements of the conditional release. While leaving the building, a tall man stopped me, unsure of himself, asked me if I was the right person, and told me that he had to bring me under an order to appear he had against me. I will tell you the complete story later, in a calmer mood, because I find it quite interesting, mainly because of the way those PGR bastards behave.
Finally, while being at the PGR agency in Camarones and after hours of bothering me, interrogating, bluffing and trying to be friendly interrogators, the chief of the Ministerial Federal, a certain comandante Silva, notified me that they had an order against me to appear in front of the Federal Public Ministry as a supposed witness, and a warrant for the crime of manufacturing explosives without a permit, which is a violation of the Law on Firearms and explosives, to be used exclusively by the army. This was an order that was expedited by a federal judge of the sixth district, since November 2013. Moreover, they would take me to the Oriente prison to comply with the order. When my lawyer came – private – they brought me in front of that nun – I would call her witch, but witches have my total respect – that Public Ministry told me that she ordered to bring me because I was a suspect in a federal investigation for terrorism and organized crime, in the juridical case of the comrades of Canada and Carlos Chivo ; she showed us the record and the part in which I’m linked directly with the other suspects, including with the anarchist comrade of insurrectional affinity Carlos “el Chivo”, and it was at that moment when we could see how their set-up is being structured. At the end of the session they took a mobile phone I was carrying, a pair of USB keys and a cable to charge an Mp3 player, a booklet on anarchist tension written by A.M. Bonanno, a booklet from Costantino C. on the Anarchist Project in the Post Industrial era (which is too bad because it was quite beautiful) and the Prison and its world booklet written by Massimo Passamani (I mention it because the Ministerials and the MP showed a lot of excitement about what I was mysteriously carrying in my backpack) and a few unimportant papers. They bothered me a little bit more and then they transferred me to the Oriente prison and brought me in front of the judge. The next day the lawyers of the GASPA arrived and argued that the accusations were not valid, for being founded on evidence that had not been certified because they had been brought in from my other prosecution for attacks against public peace, of which I didn’t have a judgment yet, so the proofs were not valid.
The judge had two options: the first was to free me after 6 days to the request of my lawyer at the end of constitutional term, and the other was giving me a cheap bail – cheap when compared with the other bail I had to pay previously and others that they gave to other comrades -. And when asked by my lawyer on what would I’d like to do, I freely chose to pay the bail, but not to give more money to the State (in reference to criticism that was made when we were detained in the Chilean embassy incident) or because of fear, but because I, freely and without the tips of anyone, took the decision that the moment I put one foot in the street I would runaway. Everything was clearer than ever to me, the harassment and repression against me from the State and the PGR.
Well now, and by my own decision, I decided to validate my judicial rupture (or anarchist-anti-judicialism as it is usually labeled), my negation to continue – and to collaborate – in this judicial circus against me and other comrades, because from the point of view of my individuality, it is the most congruent option with my discourse, ideas and way of conceiving life that I found, which is anarchy. There’s nothing more, now we know that the orders of search and arrest targeting me circulated because I ran away from justice in the trial for: attacks to public peace, the federal crime of manufacture of explosives, and the federal investigation against me for terrorism and organized delinquency, and also outrages to the authority for what happened at the Chilean embassy last year. Dangerous, isn’t it?! Ha ha ! Dangerous are the ideas and the practices!
This is now another phase of the struggle that I decided to enter long time ago, it is a phase which is common in the life of the individual that has decided to take a path of insurrection and permanent conflict – interior and exterior – against power, a phase that can’t be reduced, and that maintains itself in struggle with all means for the destruction of the State/Capital; this other phase that for me doesn’t mean clandestinity (the fact is, I am very critical of the clandestinity position when it’s auto assumed or voluntary as a form of “struggle”) but which is rather a measure imposed by the enemy that delineates and defines new conditions to bring about anarchist struggle.
Taking advantage of space while being brief, I want to make public the harassment the police has been conducting towards me (N2) – like the time when the SSP and the PDI arrested me and let me go in 10 minutes, in a park in Mexico City when we had a public meeting to see how the situation of our jailed comrades was going, or the visits by the PGR where I was supposed to be living but in reality was the home of my sentimental partner, or the constant overt surveillance, or the search of my partner’s house where they broke the fucking fence door, etc. As well as the surveillance and harassment against my partner and her young daughter, and that if something ever happened to them, the culprit would clearly be the State/Capital; And I don’t say this to demand for their institutional protection or to make victims of ourselves, I do it to expose the situation that they are also living. Also, I take advantage of this space, to send a greeting to all of those who, behind my back, said that my comrades and I collaborated with the police so that we could get out of jail, because of the Chilean embassy incident, and even said that me and some comrades were cops… Time and the harvest of the short, medium and long term struggle will exonerate whoever is right. I, we, continue in the struggle… What about you?
That is all for the moment, I say goodbye and send a strong embrace to all! A special hug to my mother, whom I had not the opportunity to say goodbye to and who’s also been harassed like my partner.
One the one hand, there is the existent, the customs and their certainties. And what’s certain is that this social poison is dying. On the other hand is insurrection, the unknown that interrupts everyone’s life. The possible beginning of an exaggerated practice of freedom.
All support jailed anarchist comrades!
A fraternal greeting to Felicity R. Nikos Maziotis, Pola and the little Lambros Victor. Solidarity with anarchist comrades, anti-authoritarians and libertarians on the run! Solidarity and total support to the comrades being investigated in Mexico for a terrorism and organized delinquency case! Solidarity with Amelie, Carlos and Fallon!
We are not defeated and we have no regrets!
I don’t give up, we don’t give up!
In struggle against the state,
Mario Antonio López Hernandez. Tripa.
Planet Earth February 3rd, 2014
N1: Here I refer to the ongoing situation, in no instance do I attempt to use that Maoist rhetoric, that the validity of our struggle and actions goes according to the enemy’s response, which is the same than to measure a supposed dangerousness that doesn’t have the same degree of dangerousness than the enemy gives us; in this way limiting anarchist theory and action to the existence of the enemy. The struggle against the State/Capital is a part (an important one) of what we conceive as anarchy. I don’t know how so many come to or have came to make use of that phrase that also appears in the commercial movie on the German RAF.
N2. I relate this to expand the repressive panorama, without desire to make a minimizing comparison of what they have been doing to other comrades, and the general harassment against anarchism in the central Mexico region. This will come to light as with respect to what is happening.
Second Public Letter
Briefly, I would like to write with respect to the week of support for incarcerated comrades in Mexico, which is supposed to happen between the 16 and the 24 of March.
First, I’d like to say that it isn’t my intention to sabotage the week in question, not at all. However, since the text made reference to me, mentioned my name, and used a quote from a public letter that I wrote from jail, I would like to establish my position on the matter.
So; the end of this call for solidarity uses a quote from a communiqué that I wrote from prison, and at the end, it’s signed with my name. Not only this, but at first glance, it appears as though (and this could be due to a poor translation into spanish) the text itself or the call for solidarity is signed with my name. This is impossible, for a number of reasons:
First: Because I don’t agree with weeks of solidarity and support for prisoners (at one time I did, but now, I don’t). This isn’t because I don’t agree with solidarity with comrades, because clearly solidarity is a principal of the ideas and practice of anarchy, and solidarity is an individual ethic that is brought into practice in our daily lives. More so because I consider the necessary support and REVOLUTIONARY SOLIDARITY (N1) with imprisoned comrades not to be a separate struggle; similar to how struggle against prisons isn’t a separate struggle but rather is part of the struggle for the destruction of the State/Capital, an inseparable part of the struggle for freedom. So, to create a specific calendar of days that should focus on anti-prison action seems to me to be the same as obeying the revolutionary calendar of every year (the demo on the 2nd of October, the 1st of May…now also the 1st of December, etc.). This practice centers the action on only one day, and takes meaning away from actions that occur daily and that also keep imprisoned comrades in mind.
Second: Because strategically, it doesn’t work if we give the cops advance notice about actions that will occur in the future.
Third: With regards to me personally, I never have nor would call for any week of solidarity, demonstration or action as such; because this individualizes, or rather “personifies” collective actions, distracts attention from the struggle and creates icons, fictitious leaders, and ideological gurus. It’s well known that I’m against acronyms, leaders, vanguard groups, of synthesis or of past organizations (anarchist or non-anarchist) that try to mobilize people. As opposed to this, I am for self-organization and self-management of struggles, autonomy, and informal anarchist organization. I would never collaborate with the judicial circus of power that always individualizes collective revolt, with the goal of finding false leaders (as with the investigations against me for having supposedly called for who knows how many fucking things), and in this way to seek to minimize insurrection, and to center it on a single person or a small group in particular.
Either way, I really appreciate all the support.
Long live anarchy!
Mario López Hernández.
N1: To understand what I am referring to when I say “Revolutionary Solidarity”, I recommend a text by Pierlone Porcu, whose exact title is ‘revolutionary solidarity’.